By James C. Scott
This publication examines a few of the "everyday" methods peasants may perhaps withstand their oppressors. particularly, the writer studied a small Malaysian peasant village within the overdue Nineteen Seventies. This electronic variation used to be derived from ACLS Humanities E-Book's (http://www.humanitiesebook.org) on-line model of an analogous name.
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Extra resources for Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance
Yaakub, to the general merriment, asked why Razak should build a toilet anyway, when he did not even have a house. nine Yaakub then wondered whether anyone else had seen Razak dig into the curry at the wedding feast for Rokiah's daughter two days before, a feast to which he had not been invited. Shahnon added that only yesterday, when Razak turned up at the coffee stall in the town market, he invited him to have some coffee, it being understood that Shahnon would pay. The next thing he noticed, Razak had left after having not only drunk coffee but taken three cakes and two cigarettes. Others recalled, partly for my benefit, how Razak took payment for 7. The twostory building built with government help some fifteen years ago is generally referred to as the madrasah, since the ground floor is used regularly for religious classes as well as for village meetings. The upper floor is used exclusively as a prayer house (surau), especially during the fasting month. See in photo section following p. 162. eight. Called the Ranchangan Pemulihan Kampung (Village Improvement Scheme), the program made grants available to selected villages throughout the country. In this village, the assistance was distributed along strictly partisan lines. An account of this episode may be found in chapter 6. nine. Apa pasal bikin jamban, rumah pun tak ada. Page 5 attap roofing from Kamil and never delivered it and how Kamil gave him cash for special paddy seed that Razak said he could get from a friend in a nearby village. Accosted a week later, he claimed his friend with the seed had not been at home. Accosted again the following week, he claimed his friend had already sold the seed. The money was never returned. On various occasions, they claimed, Razak had begged seed paddy for planting or rice for his family. In each case, the gift had been sold for cash, not planted or eaten. Ghazali accused him of helping himself to nipah fronds from behind his house for roofing without ever asking permission and of having begged for a religious gift of paddy (zakat) even before the harvest was in. "I lost my temper," he added as many shook their heads. When the welltodo villagers lament, as they increasingly do, the growing laziness and independence of those they hire for work in the fields, the example of Razak is always close at hand. They have other illustrations, but Razak is by far the most serviceable. Any number of times, they claim, he has taken advance wages in cash or rice and then failed to show up for work. As for his poverty, they are skeptical. He has, after all, half a relong (. 35 acre), which he rents out like a landlord rather than farming himself. 10 The general verdict is that he is simply not capable of getting ahead. 11 When the subdistrict chief (penghulu), Abdul Majid, confides to me that the poor are reluctant to work anymore and now insist on unrealistic wages, he seizes the example of Razak. "He has made himself hard up, it's his own doing. "12 By now the simple coffin was nearly finished and Amin, the best carpenter in the village, began to add some small decorative touches at the ends.